The Beginning of Modi’s Political Voyage — October 2001
- Godhra, Riots, and the Birth of a Political Image
- Industrial Patronage and the Rise of the Adani Connection
- The Media, Modi, and the Making of a Personality Cult
- National Politics and the 2014 Turning Point
- Demonetization, Pulwama, and the 2019 Election Wave
- Governance, Dissent, and Institutional Shifts
Pandemic, Privatisation, and Power Consolidation
On the 25th anniversary of Narendra Modi’s entry into power politics, Dr Suresh Khairnar traces his rise from RSS pracharak to India’s most powerful leader....
On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Narendra Modi’s entry into power politics — beginning on October 8, 2001 — his political journey can be seen as very similar to the journeys described in English or Urdu where the word “safar” means a long voyage. Since becoming Chief Minister of Gujarat, the efforts he undertook to build his political ground and the price paid for it are worth noting. After spending more than half of his life as a full-time pracharak (propagator) in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Modi was deputed by the RSS to work for the BJP. Initially, he was seen on television channels as an occasional party spokesperson, wearing half-sleeve kurta pyjamas, in debates with representatives of other parties. Then, quite suddenly, in October 2001, having crossed the age of 50, Modi was sent to Gujarat as Chief Minister in the middle of party infighting that had weakened the tenure of Keshubhai Patel.
Just like cricket sends in a “night-watchman” to bat near the end of the day’s play, Modi was sent as a temporary Chief Minister — without ever having contested even a gram panchayat election, let alone a legislative assembly election.
Within six months it was mandatory to fight an assembly election to become a member. The Ellisbridge constituency in Ahmedabad was represented by Haren Pandya, who had won by a record margin. When Modi asked him to vacate the seat, Pandya refused. Thus, while he was Chief Minister of Gujarat, Modi had no safe seat in the state. His caste, the Teli community, comprised less than 2% of Gujarat’s population. Until that time, he had no significant political achievement that guaranteed easy electoral victories. Winning anywhere was not possible in the early 21st century without stature or grassroots support.
However, within 150 days of becoming Chief Minister, the Godhra incident on February 27, 2002, occurred, followed by riots that Modi used ruthlessly to build his political career. This prompted then-Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee to tell him, “You have not followed Rajdharma.” Modi replied immediately, “Sir, that is exactly what I am doing.” This marked the start of his particular “political dharma” in Gujarat.
It was from these days that the “56-inch chest” slogan was popularized. Three consecutive terms as CM solidified his image as the “Hindu Hriday Samrat” (Emperor of Hindu Hearts). Encounters — such as those involving Ishrat Jahan, Sohrabuddin, Kauser Bi, Tulsi Prajapati, and others — were allegedly used to strengthen his political position. Former DIG D. G. Vanzara wrote in detail about the Sohrabuddin encounter from Sabarmati jail in a seven-page letter.
Meanwhile, certain industrialists were given carte blanche by Modi’s government, disregarding rules and regulations. From longstanding tycoons like the Ambani brothers and Tata to the meteoric rise of Gautam Adani, Modi’s governance facilitated expansion in energy, ports, and other sectors by easing laws and providing favorable conditions. The “Modi-Adani connection” remains a controversial subject.
Kandla Port was India’s first port handed to the Adani Group. This example joins many others where government institutions were sold off cheaply. For instance, National Company Law Tribunal allowed Mukesh Ambani to buy Anil Ambani’s 47,251-crore rupee debt-laden company for only 455 crores. These policies were accompanied by special legislation to benefit such companies, contrary to earlier expectations that the government would seize assets and recover loans.Such loan write-offs — worth lakhs of crores — for select industrialists are in stark contrast to the humiliations faced by ordinary citizens when repaying small bank loans. This reality is largely kept hidden from the average voter while the government boasts about transparency.
Environmental regulations were violated blatantly. The Adani Group, after acquiring Kandla Port, destroyed protected mangrove forests that are designated as World Heritage ecosystems. Though the Green Tribunal fined the group, the Environment Ministry later questioned the need for such a tribunal.
India’s environment laws — created since the 1972 Geneva Convention — have given coastal areas special protection, but these were disregarded for Adani. The “Hindenburg” report highlighted these connections, and MPs who questioned them — such as Rahul Gandhi and Mahua Moitra — faced suspension. The recent expulsion of over 150 opposition MPs from Parliament was unprecedented in Indian history.
Today, the Adani Group produces half of India’s electricity. In the 2014 general elections, Modi traveled to over 400 rallies in a private jet provided by Adani, with financial support from other industrialists. Reliance’s media outlets helped craft his prime ministerial image. This is why today’s media is often called “Godi Media” — for its overtly favorable coverage — as Modi’s photo and news dominate, excluding all other leaders.
Movements like Anna Hazare’s Jan Lokpal agitation, supported by figures like Arvind Kejriwal and Kiran Bedi, indirectly helped build an environment benefiting Modi’s rise. Slogans like “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas” and “Just give us one chance” helped attract voters.
The Muzaffarnagar riots played a critical role in securing over 70 Lok Sabha seats in UP — akin to how the 2002 Gujarat riots helped Modi win three CM terms.
In 2014, for the first time in Indian history, a US-style personality-focused campaign was run, making “Modi Sarkar” more prominent than BJP itself. Soon after becoming PM, Modi dismantled the Planning Commission — without much opposition — and embarked on major unilateral policy moves, starting with demonetization. Funds from public sector banks were channeled to select wealthy individuals. Modi accessed the RBI’s reserve fund of over ₹28,000 crores — a first in its 100-year history — leading to resignations by governors Raghuram Rajan and Urjit Patel. Institutions like ED, IB, CBI, judiciary, and Election Commission were alleged to have been used against opposition leaders and critical voices.
Pulwama’s truth was revealed by Sushma Swaraj, stating no Pakistani soldier or civilian died in the Balakot operation, yet Modi campaigned stating otherwise.
Former Governor Satya Pal Malik publicly claimed that “Pulwama’s 40 martyrs got Modi the 2019 election,” which would have been difficult otherwise given public anger over demonetization, farmers’ protests, NRC opposition, inflation, unemployment, and corruption.
No black money returned via demonetization; instead, 50 lakh small-scale workers lost jobs. The promised 2 crore jobs per year remain unfulfilled, with unemployment at 45%. Agriculture nears collapse, suicides continue, and contentious farm laws were passed in Rajya Sabha using voice votes without majority support — the largest democratic subversion in parliamentary history.
Instead of “hunger, fear, and corruption-free India,” fear, corruption, and hunger have increased. Minorities face insecurity, with Muslims scapegoated, blamed for COVID spread, and demonized in cases like the Tablighi Jamaat gathering.
Actions such as abrogating Article 370 have not brought promised gains — even Ladakhis who once supported it now protest. Modi’s constitutional oath to treat all citizens equally appears in conflict with policies targeting minorities and border states.
NRC and citizenship policies have fueled “divide and rule” politics nationwide. Changes to the Election Commission’s composition by the ruling party undermine its credibility. Using the military in election propaganda echoes Pakistan’s politicization of the army.
The 2019 Supreme Court verdict on Ram Mandir, followed by the nomination of the retiring Chief Justice to Rajya Sabha within a month, damaged perceptions of judicial independence. Demonetization crippled small industries, creating mass unemployment. Modi did not heed economists’ warnings.
Lockdown in March 2020, announced abruptly, created chaos worse than demonetization. Millions of migrant workers walked thousands of kilometers under extreme heat, a historic humanitarian disaster.
In the pandemic’s shadow, Modi privatized major public assets — railways, airports, defense, mining, education, agriculture, and healthcare. Thus, his 25-year political track record raises questions about whether these are achievements or failures.
The Godhra incident remains an “open secret” under “crime against humanity,” documented by journalists, police officials, and military leaders like Lt. Gen. Zameeruddin Shah, who revealed that 3,000 army troops were kept waiting at Ahmedabad airport for 24 hours without logistical support while Gujarat burned, despite being requested by the CM himself.
Delhi riots and targeted handling of the Tablighi Jamaat event during lockdown raise further questions. Modi has frequently invoked Pakistan and assassination plots to frame opposition as anti-national, while his own political methods echo divisive ideologies dating back to Savarkar’s “two-nation theory” in 1917.
India’s 30+ crore Muslims are not going anywhere, so coexistence through respect and equality — not fear — is the only viable path to national unity and the end of terrorism.
Dr. Suresh Khairnar
10 October 2025, Nagpur
